Phase I
Maidan, Crimea and the first Donbas war
The war began not in 2022 but in 2014.
Phase I
The war began not in 2022 but in 2014.
Phase II
For seven years the war continued at low intensity along a static line of contact — trench positions, sniper and artillery exchanges, and more than thirteen thousand dead by the eve of the full-scale invasion.
Phase III
On 24 February 2022 Russia invaded on multiple axes, expecting rapid political collapse.
Phase IV
In September 2022 Ukraine routed thinly held Russian lines in the Kharkiv region and, by November, forced the withdrawal from Kherson — the only regional capital Russia had taken.
Phase V
Ukraine's long-prepared southern counteroffensive stalled against the deepest fortifications in Europe; the theory that Western equipment plus Ukrainian will would breach prepared defences did not survive contact.
Phase VI
The current phase is a contest of endurance.
The war began not in 2022 but in 2014. The Euromaidan protests forced President Yanukovych from office in February 2014 after he abandoned an EU association agreement under Russian pressure. Within days, Russian forces without insignia seized Crimea; a stage-managed referendum and annexation followed in March, recognised by almost no one. In the Donbas, armed takeovers of administrative buildings — locally rooted but Russian-directed and increasingly Russian-manned — escalated into open warfare. When Ukrainian forces neared defeat of the separatist formations in August 2014, regular Russian units intervened decisively at Ilovaisk; the pattern repeated at Debaltseve in February 2015. The Minsk agreements ended the largest battles and froze a line of contact that would move little for seven years.
Everything that followed was prefigured here: deniable force, annexation presented as accomplished fact, and a negotiated freeze that traded unresolved sovereignty for reduced violence. Treating 2014–2022 as "pre-war" repeats the framing error that made the full-scale invasion a surprise.
For seven years the war continued at low intensity along a static line of contact — trench positions, sniper and artillery exchanges, and more than thirteen thousand dead by the eve of the full-scale invasion. Diplomacy deadlocked on sequencing: Minsk II required both elections in the separatist-held areas and the return of border control to Ukraine, and each side insisted the other's obligation came first. Russia distributed passports in the separatist-held Donbas, tightening its grip while denying it was a party to the conflict. Ukraine rebuilt its army and wrote its NATO and EU course into its constitution. In the spring and again in the autumn of 2021, Russia massed forces near Ukraine's borders — presented as exercises, read by most observers as coercive diplomacy until it wasn't.
Minsk's constructive ambiguity let both sides sign a settlement each read in opposite ways. When Moscow re-tested the question in late 2021, the gap was undiminished — and this time it had built the force to resolve it unilaterally.
On 24 February 2022 Russia invaded on multiple axes, expecting rapid political collapse. The plan failed within days: the airborne assault on Hostomel airport was destroyed as a coup de main, Kyiv did not fall, and the government did not flee. By April Russia had withdrawn from the capital's approaches — leaving behind the documented atrocities of Bucha — and redefined the war as a battle for the Donbas. Mariupol fell in May after a siege that levelled the city. At sea, Ukraine sank the Black Sea Fleet flagship Moskva; on land, the war ground into artillery attrition in the east while the July grain-corridor agreement reopened a lifeline for Ukrainian exports.
The opening weeks disproved both capitals' central assumptions — Russia's that Ukraine would fold, and much of the West's that Ukraine could not fight. Every later phase flows from that double surprise.
In September 2022 Ukraine routed thinly held Russian lines in the Kharkiv region and, by November, forced the withdrawal from Kherson — the only regional capital Russia had taken. Moscow answered with commitment devices: declared annexation of four partly occupied regions, partial mobilisation of some three hundred thousand men, and, from October, a strategic strike campaign against Ukraine's power grid intended to break civilian endurance through the winter. The Kerch bridge strike and the Nord Stream sabotage marked the war's spread into infrastructure everywhere. Through the winter and spring the fighting concentrated on Bakhmut — a battle whose cost outran its operational meaning, and which made the Wagner Group a political actor.
Autumn 2022 was the maximum of Ukrainian battlefield momentum. Russia's response — mobilisation, annexation-as-commitment, infrastructure war — deliberately traded initiative for a longer war it believed it could better endure.
Ukraine's long-prepared southern counteroffensive stalled against the deepest fortifications in Europe; the theory that Western equipment plus Ukrainian will would breach prepared defences did not survive contact. The Wagner mutiny in June 2023 exposed fissures in the Russian system without breaking it. Ukraine's clearest successes came where it could bypass mass: naval drones and missiles pushed the Black Sea Fleet out of the western Black Sea and reopened a unilateral export corridor, and deep strikes reached Russian refineries and airfields. A six-month interruption of US aid rationed Ukrainian artillery and air defence into 2024; Avdiivka fell, Russian glide bombs began demolishing frontline towns, and Ukraine's Kursk incursion traded scarce reserves for leverage. By late 2024 North Korean troops had joined the war on Russia's side.
By 2024 the war had settled into industrial attrition, where aid continuity, ammunition production and manpower policy moved the front more than operational art. Ukraine's asymmetric wins — at sea and in deep strike — showed where it could still impose costs at scale.
The current phase is a contest of endurance. The front is saturated with surveillance and strike drones that make massed movement costly for both sides and keep territorial change slow and expensive. Deep strikes run in both directions — against Russian refineries and logistics, against Ukrainian power and gas infrastructure in seasonal campaigns. Negotiation probes recur without an agreed architecture: talks about talks, prisoner exchanges and limited-ceasefire proposals that so far change the war's diplomacy more than its conduct. Both war economies show strain — Russia's in inflation, labour shortages and reserve drawdowns; Ukraine's in dependence on external financing and a narrowing manpower base.
The variables that will decide where the line finally stops — aid continuity, industrial output, manpower policy, sanctions enforcement — move further from the front than ever. Watching the front alone now means watching the lagging indicator.